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UK Researchers Now Say Three-Person Embryo Technique Doesn't Work; Propose New Method

Posted by Jessica Cussins, Biopolitical Times guest contributor on June 8th, 2016

Douglass Turnbull and Mary Herbert, Wellcome Trust Centre for Mitochondrial Research,
Newcastle University.

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In February 2015, the UK decided to create a controversial exception to its law against any form of human germline modification to allow the creation of “three-person embryos” to prevent the transmission of some mitochondrial disease. Then and now, unresolved scientific concerns remained, and many people have been waiting to see whether the science will indeed come through.

Adding to anxiety to see these data is the enormous global attention on a different technology proposed for human genetic modification: the gene editing technique CRISPR, and current controversy over varied attempts to try it on human embryos.

However, there is only one central place where the mitochondrial research is being carried out in the UK – the Wellcome Trust Centre for Mitochondrial Research at Newcastle University. But despite opening its doors in 2012 and encouraging excitement about the importance of  this research, none of the specific research requested by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (HFEA) had been published until now.

Today, that changed. Well-known Newcastle researchers including Mary Herbert and Douglass Turnbull have just published an update to their six-year-old Nature paper, which originally described how their preferred form of mitochondrial replacement – pronuclear transfer (PNT) – “has the potential to prevent the transmission of mtDNA disease in humans.”

Shockingly, their new paper reports that the proof-of-concept studies upon which everyone had been basing their enthusiasm “were not well tolerated by normally fertilized zygotes.”

In other words, the scientific basis for the controversial UK law and HFEA policy change turns out to have been unfounded. It did not work.

The researchers were able to develop an alternative method however, which may still justify the technique as a potential method to reduce the transmission of mitochondrial disease from mother to child. Their new paper (behind a paywall) is optimistically titled, “Towards clinical application of pronuclear transfer to prevent mitochondrial DNA disease.”

Initial media coverage has run with this alternative ePNT and downplayed the additional concerns raised by the new research

Three-person babies IVF technique ‘safe’ [BBC]
UK scientists find new 3-parent IVF technique safe in lab tests [Reuters]
‘Three-parent baby’ success could see trials in two years [New Scientist]

This overly positive characterization is perhaps understandable given the small but eager group of patients who wish to use this technology to decrease the chances of passing on mitochondrial disease to their offspring.

Yet as of this writing, only The Telegraph is giving weight to the range of unknowns still at play:

'Three parent baby' technique could still pass on mutated DNA, study shows

A more cynical headline for this news may be:

Scientists effectively distract press and public from the dangers inherent to the controversial technique they promised wasn’t unsafe by introducing a new technique promised not to be unsafe.

The new paper describes the alternative method as early PNT or ePNT because the researchers found it works better to transplant the pronuclei from one embryo into another immediately after meiosis rather than right before the first mitotic division. In 79% of the resulting embryos, less than 2% of the unhealthy mitochondria of the first embryo had transferred over to the new embryo, which might be enough to help a child avoid symptoms of mitochondrial disease. On the other hand, it might not. In decidedly less confident language than has often been used up to this point, the researchers conclude, “PNT has the potential to reduce the risk of mtDNA disease, but it may not guarantee prevention.”

Part of the reason for this caution is because of a Cell Stem Cell paper published just days earlier by US researchers including Dieter Egli called “Genetic Drift Can Compromise Mitochondrial Replacement by Nuclear Transfer in Human Oocytes.” This paper highlights their findings that even small amounts of carryover mitochondria can cause “genetic drift,” which can “lead to the restoration of the original donor mitochondrial genotype” and undercut any positive outcome from the technique. They suggest “although vertical inheritance of mtDNA is not required, it is critical to ensure inheritance of a single maternal mtDNA lineage.”

This paper led to Nature saying “Three-person embryos may fail to vanquish mutant mitochondria,” and stem cell scientist Paul Knoepfler declaring, “The data in it also in my view strongly make the case for now there should be no human clinical efforts using 3-person IVF for the foreseeable future.” Knoepfler also contributed a helpful headline to the coverage today: New Herbert lab Nature paper reinforces mitochondrial replacement Achilles heel.

As in 2010 when Turnbull and Herbert first published research using PNT in nonviable embryos, the conclusions from these recent data is still "we're working on it" not "this is safe." Such data support previous warnings from scientists, and the fact that we are still unsure about the extent of the role of mitochondria in the overall functioning of our bodies.

So, what’s the moral of the story? Perhaps that humility is the best path forward if we are ever to seriously contemplate bringing new lives into the world this way. And maybe also that policymakers should not be so easily won over by over-zealous promises of science not yet confirmed.

Previously on Biopolitical Times:

Composite image via Wellcome Trust

Unheard Publics in the Human Genome Editing Policy Debate

Posted by Elliot Hosman on June 8th, 2016

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Though the CRISPR-Cas9 genome editing platform is only some four years old, universities and industry are racing forward with a range of research projects, including in human embryos. Given the speed of uptake, and the recent approval of non-clinical experiments with embryos in a number of countries, many are wary of this kind of CRISPR research because it could so easily pave the path to high-tech fertility clinics vending eugenic upgrades.

A vast diversity of publics, communities, and stakeholders are deeply concerned about this prospect of heritable human genetic modification. Yet, a recent comment in JAMA Forum by Eli Adashi seeks to funnel this textured landscape of opinion into a tale of two cities in an international biomedical arms race in which the American research establishment is falling behind.

Adashi frames this battle royale as "Divergent US vs UK Human Embryo Research Policies" in light of the HFEA's decision to license Kathy Niakan's CRISPR research with viable human embryos. (Her research program has yet to begin. It recently received a second round of ethical approval to use surplus embryos from IVF clinics, but those may take months to secure.)

On one side, Dr. Adashi places a mostly British cohort of pioneers, including two groups of research charities and stem cell researchers that have separately gone on record advocating for clinical research into genetically modifying embryos for human reproduction, once certain thresholds are met. He writes:

Many UK scientists quoted in the lay and professional media welcomed the HFEA decision. Professor Sir Robert Lechler, MB, ChB, PhD, President of the UK Academy of Medical Sciences, offered that “studies such as [that proposed by Dr Niakan], that focus on asking basic questions about human-embryo development, are needed to help answer the many scientific and ethical questions remaining in this field.” Similar sentiments were echoed by other UK-based groups, including the Hinxton Group, an international consortium on stem cells, ethics, and law, the Wellcome Trust, an independent global charitable foundation dedicated to improving health, and the Medical Research Council, a leading funder of medical research. Some prominent US scientists also spoke approvingly of such work going forward.

On the other side, he places two lone voices termed “bioethics groups,” CGS included, whose concerns are vaguely glossed:

In contrast, some bioethics groups on both sides of the Atlantic criticized the HFEA’s action. Marcy Darnovsky, PhD, executive director of the Center for Genetics and Society, in Berkeley, California, warned that genome editing poses “dire safety and societal risks.” Calum MacKellar, PhD, of the Scottish Council on Human Bioethics, in Edinburgh, said that “allowing the gene editing of embryos opens the road to genetically modifying all the descendants of a person as well as full blown eugenics which was condemned by all civilised societies after the Second World War.”

A good number of bioethicists have spoken up in the human gene editing debate to voice concerns around informed consent of future generations, the sharing of risks and benefits, and the distributional justice problem of inequitable access to genetically enhanced reproduction. CGS' concerns with heritable genetic modification include those and others: they extend far beyond problems inherent to the individual doctor-patient relationship. As a public interest organization advocating for human biotechnology to serve the common good, we are deeply concerned about the social justice implications of moving forward with the human re-engineering project of germline gene editing under the mislabeled auspices of medicine and science.

What's on the international policy table is the potential creation of genetically modified humans. The substantive issues at hand strike at deeply held values across nations and cultures, including commitments to social justice, human rights, and the public interest. Yet many aspects of the futures that CRISPR would enable, and of the context of unprecedented health and wealth inequalities in which it would be deployed, are not being discussed democratically.

Who is most vulnerable of being “edited out” of future generations, and why aren’t their voices at the policy table? Groups and voices dangerously under-represented or missing in these conversations include those under consideration for editing: disability rights and justice, racial justice, reproductive rights and justice, public health, global health, environmental justice, religion and spirituality, LGBTQI rights and justice, and indigenous rights and justice. How would the unquantifiable lives and interests that these voices represent be affected by the fantasies and projects of a technology-enabled-and-optimistic few?

Recent public opinion studies show that a majority supports the development of accessible gene therapies for consenting patients. By contrast, the polled public is overwhelmingly opposed to genetically modifying human embryos for reproduction.

The history of eugenics and its goal to competitively optimize human reproduction is a century-old, and deeply fraught, enterprise. Without a federal law banning human germline modification, the United States is vulnerable to private interests moving forward uninhibited. This could usher in a new form of high-tech eugenics that would exacerbate existing inequalities, and create new forms of discrimination. We cannot proceed with germline interventions for human reproduction without imperiling the existence of a just and sustainable world for future generations.

Previously on Biopolitical Times:

Image via Free Stock

On Cyborgs and Gene Editing: Lessons from Orphan Black

Posted by Jessica Cussins on June 1st, 2016

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The latest season of Orphan Black takes a cue from Donna Haraway’s “A Cyborg Manifesto” to probe the boundaries of identity, humanity, and perfection, as it reminds us that mainstream genetic and reproductive technologies are closer to the show’s more radical technologies than we might think.

In “A Cyborg Manifesto,” originally published in 1985, Donna Haraway describes a cyborg as “a cybernetic organism, a hybrid of machine and organism, a creature of social reality as well as a creature of fiction.”

The clones of the BBC America television show Orphan Black seem to fit that definition well – they all possess snippets of synthetic DNA entwined in their genome, and often exist in an at least partially fictitious reality designed to better control their actions. However, the latest season explores the possibilities and meanings of cyborg-ness in greater depth. Fittingly, each episode is named with a quote from Haraway’s work: “The Collapse of Nature,” “Transgressive Border Crossing,” “The Stigmata of Progress,” “From Instinct to Rational Control,” “Human Raw Material,” and “The Scandal of Altruism.” And as Orphan Black engages with what it means to be a cyborg, this fourth season also situates itself in the ongoing conversation on new human genetic and reproductive technologies in the real world, including genome editing.


Neolution is the name of the show’s pro-eugenic movement, whose goal is to take control of human evolution. In the first episode of the season, a character reads from the book on Neolution: “The individual can only begin the journey to the extraordinary by casting off the genetically mandated human shell.” Sarah retorts that Cosima calls this stuff “sound bite science.”

The season reveals one of Neolution’s experimental genetic technologies: a synthetic worm-like organism implanted into people’s cheeks to act as an ongoing gene therapy delivery system. We find out that Sarah has had one implanted against her will and knowledge. But just as some transhumanists in real life choose to implant a range of devices in their bodies for numerous reasons, some Neolutionists in the show have opted for the “cheek worm” in order to produce a desired alteration to their body.

Whereas previous episodes have established a clear distinction between the clones as non-consenting research subjects and the Neolutionists as willing bio-hackers, the line between coercion and choice over one’s bodily autonomy is increasingly blurred in this season. In a particularly memorable moment, Cosima holds the decaying head of former Neolution leader Dr. Aldous Leaky to investigate his still-thriving “cheek worm” and asks, “Who’s the science now, bitch?”

In another heart-chilling scene, one of the clones agrees to withhold potential treatment from a child diagnosed with a genetic disorder who was made from her own cells, declaring the data learned from the disease’s progression to be more valuable for humanity than saving the child.

A more broadly relevant way in which the distinction between coercion and choice is tested comes in the form of a cutting-edge fertility program called BrightBorn. By this point of the show we know that Neolution’s leaders have extensive influence over the cloning programs; now we learn that cloning is only one mechanism of reproductive control in which they are interested. An acquaintance of suburbanite Alison has finally gotten pregnant thanks to BrightBorn Technologies, without having any idea that there may be a link between the company and more nefarious ends. Although BrightBorn keeps itself out of the public eye and does not publish its scientific findings, it is notably available to anyone willing to pay. BrightBorn is run by Neolutionists, but is marketed to all. In language reminiscent of the fertility clinic scene in GATTACA, the BrightBorn ad declares:

We can provide you with a healthy and thriving newborn, but why stop there? All of our children are born stronger and healthier. At BrightBorn Technologies we’re making the world a better place, one baby at a time.

Cosima points out:

Mainstream reproductive technology: it’s like a whole new side to Neolution.”

After sneaking into Brightborn’s facilities, Cosima not only finds a variety of experimental technologies ranging from embryo screening and selection to illegal germline modification techniques, but also what seem to be well-paid surrogate mothers under continuous surveillance while carrying the trial embryos. It is apparent that not all of the experiments go as planned, as Cosima witnesses the birth of a severely deformed baby in the limited time she is there. Afterwards, Cosima (italics) discusses what she saw with none other than the woman who created her:

“These are human beings that you’re tinkering with. Trial and error without consent.”

“These carriers are very well compensated.”

“And does that justify the baby that I saw? Look at me, I’m sick. I never gave permission for any of this.”

“No one gives permission to be born. I created you as a beautiful baseline to unlock the mysteries of the human genome.”

In a later conversation with the leader of BrightBorn who is competing for control of Neolution, Cosima learns that some people find cloning to be a crude mechanism for evolutionary control compared to gene editing:

“We don’t need your baseline. We can fix people now.”

“You can’t perfect the human genome. You can’t know what perfect is.”

“I do know. I was born sick.”

“I’m sick too. That doesn’t justify this.”

Season Four of Orphan Black also introduces the role of commercial genetic ancestry testing companies within the overarching project of understanding genetic identity, as Felix finds a “real [genetically related] sister” using an online DNA service. This poses a strange juxtaposition with the non-traditional clone “sestras,” as well as with Sarah, who was raised by a foster parent with Felix and who resents the implication that she is somehow less related than this “real sister” whom Felix has only just met.

Orphan Black has always been good at pushing the boundaries of what family and sexuality look like. The show has also made a move that destabilizes binary biological sex. Given Haraway’s claim that “the cyborg is a creature in a post-gender world,” it is fitting that we learn that the original DNA for both the female and male lines of clones came from a single chimeric woman.

Interestingly, even as everyone is enormously concerned with the well-being of “the original” in order to access her valuable DNA, she keeps secret the fact that she has leukemia. Perhaps she sees this as a way of reclaiming her death for her own, a kind of bodily autonomy she has been denied in her life.  Sadly, she is murdered in episode six, and so she is unable to have even that. But her desire to go untreated for her cancer is an interesting reminder that we often make different decisions when it comes to our own body than when it comes to the bodies of others.

This latest season of Orphan Black encourages us to question whether the kinds of technologies and ideologies presented in the show are less radical than they seem, and are in fact already with us in more innocuous forms today. Now that we have effectively donned smartphones as additional appendages and live in a world mediated by algorithms, to what degree are we all already cyborgs? And with the increasing normalization of assisted reproductive technologies to select and possibly even modify embryos, how far are we really from Neolutionism?

The quest towards perfection is a powerful narrative – in the show as in real life. But as the characters in Orphan Black prove repeatedly, biology and identity are marvelously complex and never compliant with even a single notion of perfection. And thank goodness for that. The show would be a lot less compelling if the clones really were all the same. 

Previously on Biopolitical Times:

See also:

Image via BBC

Forgotten Stories of the Eugenic Age #5: Creating Super-People

Posted by Natalie Oveyssi on May 23rd, 2016

The Birth of Venus by Sandro Botticelli, 1480s

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[Forgotten Stories of the Eugenic Age is a blog series exploring the lesser-known ways that eugenics affected and engaged American lives during the first half of the twentieth century.]

"Can science produce a superman?" science writer Waldemar Kaempffert wondered in the New York Times in 1928. "What kind of a superman do we want? And who shall dictate his specifications?"

In the early twentieth century, new genetic discoveries prompted supporters of eugenics to ponder the potential creation and characteristics of a superior human race. Many believed that encouraging the eugenically “fit” to mate and isolating or sterilizing the eugenically “unfit” would yield over time a superior population. They argued that breeding a better race represented the next step in human evolution. After all, careful husbandry had improved crops and livestock. Surely the production of "human thoroughbreds" could not be much different.

"Scientific" Creation
With new scientific knowledge and technologies, eugenists believed that they at last had the tools to create improved people. They were particularly interested in developing technologies for assisted reproduction, including the human application of animal husbandry techniques like artificial insemination. Dr. Julian Huxley, grandson of champion of the theory of evolution T. H. Huxley, predicted that such techniques would allow eugenically fit men and women to marry whomever they chose, but—regardless of their partners' fertility—have children with third parties who had been specially selected for their genetic qualities. (Those who might object to this cold calculation were merely exhibiting "outworn sentimentalism," said Huxley.)

Exhibiting similar thinking, Dr. George L. Streeter and Dr. Charles Davenport released a bulletin through the Carnegie Institute of Washington in 1933 discussing the eugenic implications of the quality of gametes. They wrote, "Every poultryman knows that in a setting of eggs not every egg will hatch a perfect chicken. Some eggs do not hatch at all; others produce defectives that soon succumb; from still others come chicks of inferior quality." Both in pigs and in people, as many as 25% of ova are "not good enough to hatch." According to the authors, the identification of gametes that would produce not only viable embryos but superior people could only be a worthwhile endeavor.

To detect superior gametes, scientists would need to examine genes more closely. Kaempffert wrote that marriage and childbearing between eugenically fit people was insufficient to breed a superhuman race. Successful eugenics would require a more "scientific" mode of thinking: Scientists needed to determine how to manipulate the genes that would be passed on to successive generations. "Unless we can control the interaction of the genes it is practically impossible to produce a race of supermen," Kaempffert wrote.

British scientist J. B. S. Haldane stated that with more knowledge about human genes, we could examine a newborn baby and say, for example:

He has got iso-agglutinin B and tyrosinase inhibitor J from his father, so it's twenty to one that he will get the main gene that determined his father's mathematical powers; but he's got Q4 from his mother . . . so it looks as if her father's inability to keep away from alcohol would crop up in him again; you must look out for that.

If we can understand the correspondence between genes and discrete characteristics, eugenists argued, we can largely determine the life trajectory of each human being. With such knowledge, we can facilitate the birth of the best individuals and eventually mold the human race into a finer shape.

Eugenic Health Certificates and Registries
Accordingly, selecting healthy eugenic partners for better raw materials became paramount for building super-people. In order to help fit members of the public find eugenic mates, many eugenists supported physician-issued eugenic health certificates and a eugenics registry office.

Continuing the comparison with livestock, Dr. J. H. Kellogg argued that since pedigree registries existed for horses, cattle, cats, and dogs, why not for people? "If a lady wishes to establish the standing of her pet poodle," he said, "she can do so by appealing to an official record and the puny canine may lift its head above its fellows as a born aristocrat, but nowhere on earth, as far as I know, is there to be found a registry of human thoroughbreds.” In an address before the second National Conference on Race Betterment in 1915, Kellogg argued that the world needed a "real aristocracy made up of Apollos and Venuses and their fortunate progeny." Without a eugenic registry, how could laypeople judge superiority and inferiority? How would we identify the human aristocracy?

The development of the eugenic aristocracy relied on classification schemes. One commenter, a Mr. Field of New Zealand, suggested the grouping of individuals into "three or four grades" based on their family health history. Field mused:

The “a” or top grade certificate given to a thoroughly sound and well developed person would be something worth having; a “b” would be tolerable; a “c” would conjure up visions of doctor's bills and physic for a family of future weaklings; and a “d”—well a “d” would be a pity.

Similarly, W. M. Hays, the Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, in an address before the American Breeders' Association, proposed a numerical classification of all people in the world. These numbers would "join genealogies into one numerical system, so that all relationships would be traced." Each person would be given a number that could be averaged with those of his or her family members to determine the family's quality. Hays acknowledged that this system would "somewhat divide people into classes," but stressed that "the classification would be beneficent, because it would be based on racial efficiency." Eugenists contended that a hierarchy based on "racial efficiency" would certainly possess greater validity than our current materialistic model. The Very Rev. William R. Inge predicted in 1931 that by the year 3000, individuals classified as "A-1" via mandatory mental and physical health examinations "will be as much sought after [for marriage] as wealth and titles are now."

Privacy of Genetic Information
Eugenists sought to assuage concerns about the exposure of personal genetic information, but their assurances may not have satisfied. Mr. Field promised readers that under his proposal, a eugenic examination would be "perfectly private and confidential" and "the person receiving it could then do as he or she thought fit with it." Nonetheless, he added that if a prospective bride or groom refused to present her or his certificate to the other party, the latter should be able to break an engagement without fear of a "breach of promise" reprisal in court. Furthermore, a copy of each person's certificate would be interred in government archives. Field proposed that officials could eventually use these records to determine the ancestry of all individuals committed to institutions.

Charles Davenport, the director of Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory and the Eugenics Record Office, argued that eugenics had been unnecessarily hindered by anxieties over revealing unfavorable family secrets. Davenport claimed that this fear was unwarranted because the careful collection of records would both improve the race and benefit the individual. For example, teachers could be given information on the “family and racial characteristics of each of their pupils" so that they could instruct their students differently. Also, state eugenic boards could "scientifically" regulate marriages and childbearing. If couples who were denied permission to have a child did so anyway, "the penalty shall be sterilization of the male." In spite of eugenists’ insistence that genetic privacy would be maintained—or would not be necessary—their proposals made it clear that exposing individuals’ genetic information was essential for achieving their desired goals.

While some supporters of eugenics stressed that the enhancement of the human race required not merely better breeding but also environmental and educational adjustments, others were skeptical. Men such as Leonard Darwin, son of Charles Darwin, and Henry Fairfield Osborn, the president of the International Eugenics Congress, argued that education and environment could not, in the words of the latter, "offset the handicap of ancestry." Plant specialist Luther Burbank added that environmental improvements could "bring individuals up to their best possibilities" but the practice of eugenic selection was "10,000 times more important and effective." Los Angeles Times science writer Ransome Sutton even wrote in 1933:

Education and environment may enable an honest-minded person to overcome inborn tendencies to a limited extent, but at heart no one can ever be much better than the two sets of chromosomes which come together when individual life begins.

Because many eugenists believed that genes dictated human potentiality and that social problems largely resulted from individual moral failings, the solution to social problems lay in improving genes. Reforming society was a palliative, not a cure.

American Exceptionalism
Despite the common conviction that the United States teetered on the precipice of utter mental and moral depravity, eugenists still believed that America was particularly well positioned to breed the great race of super-people.

Prof. Scott Nearing of the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School, known in his later life as a left-wing economist, educator, writer, and political activist, was among those who believed that America had the "most potent opportunity the world has ever known . . . for the creation of a race of Supermen and Superwomen"—a contention perhaps incompatible with his other views that pajamas should be accepted evening attire, and that all women are leeches who need men's "sufferance and generosity" to survive. A New York Times article summarized Nearing's view that the United States could best produce a stronger race due to its “national resources, the stock of the dominant races, the possibilities of leisure, the emancipation of women, the abandonment of war, the knowledge of race-making and of social adjustment, and the widespread educational machinery." That half of the population consisted of parasites presumably would not hinder this outcome.

Appearance and Characteristics
Eugenists held varying views about the possible physical appearance and characteristics of super-people, as well as the implications of a super-race for society. Nearly all believed that super-people would be healthier, taller, more muscular, and more physically attractive. Some thought that super-people would have lower child mortality and life spans extending as much as 100 years. Many also expected that super-people would possess greater intelligence and social skills. While some eugenists predicted that a number of geniuses and great leaders would emerge from this superior stock, others thought that the race would experience a more general uplifting, with no increase in the rate of human stand-outs. Due to the prevailing belief that social problems originate from poor heredity, eugenists commonly thought that a superior race would produce social and moral improvements like fewer incidents of crime, violence, "violent eroticism," "extreme indolence," and divorce.

Several eugenists described at length the traits of a super-people and the outcome for a super-society. For example, Scott Nearing argued that the six core traits of a superman would be "physical normality, mental capacity, aggressiveness, concentration, sympathy, and vision." Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, curator of the division of physical anthropology at the National Museum in Washington, had perhaps the most precise projection. He believed that super-people would enjoy larger and more organized brains, greater height, longer legs, shorter arms, deeper-set eyes, thinner skulls, more prominent but narrower noses, smaller mouths, larger chins, smaller and fewer teeth, a tendency toward baldness, unaffected beards, thinner bodies, shorter intestines, narrower hands and feet, and diminishing fifth toes. Even so, man would be more handsome. But he would pay for these developments with greater mental disorders and physical impairments, until eugenics once again righted these defects.

Many eugenists maintained that these "improvements" wouldn't impact all races, classes, and genders equally. Unsurprisingly, their visions of the super-future corresponded to and reinforced the prevalent prejudices of the day. Hrdlicka predicted a "widening of the breach between the more civilized and backward people" and between "the front and the back ranks." He said, "There will always be masters and servants, the pioneers of progress and the drags." French scientist and professor Daniel Berthelot contended that as humans became more "advanced," human skin "evolved" into lighter shades. One day, super-people would have skin so white, it would reflect ultraviolet rays.

Naturally, men more than women would power the super-race. According to Prof. L. Bolk, the director of the Department of Anatomy at the University of Amsterdam, the development of the human skull had gradually slowed down, which had allowed the human brain to form over a longer period of time. Since boys mature more slowly than girls, their brains must develop more slowly, so men must be the superior sex. This trend would continue and intensify in the super-race; it would take men a long time to grow up, but they would be a formidable force when they did.

Even though supermen would, of course, eclipse superwomen, male scholars did not withhold their predictions for future women’s physical appearance. Dr. Richard Root Smith attested that “the imperfect or defective type of woman is . . . very slight, thin-chested, and nervous.” In contrast, superwomen would be “compact in build, deep-chested, with steady nerves and fleshy enough for the anatomical angles to be nicely rounded out.” Dr. A. J. Read, a professor of hygiene, told a race-betterment conference audience:

The ideal woman of the eugenic age will be taller than the average woman of today. She will be plump and well rounded, but not fat. Her complexion will be ruddy or brown, not pale, because the pale skin is a badge of disease rather than health.

Perhaps unusually for an Anglican priest, the Very Rev. William R. Inge predicted that clothes for both sexes would become more “scanty” such that “beauty [could] be recognized in the body and limbs as well as in the face.” It appeared that the perfect women of tomorrow would embody the ideal of the imperfect men of today.

Not everyone who supported eugenics in whole or in part believed that the creation of a super-race was possible or even desirable. Despite J. B. S. Haldane’s tendency toward biological determinism, he rejected the possibility of perfect people because he believed that society relied upon human diversity. In a 1932 interview with the New York Times, Haldane stated that in the ideal community, all people would be able to contribute their unique talents and would be afforded the opportunity to develop and thrive as individuals. Instead of altering people to fit an arbitrary notion of perfection, “the community should be fitted to the people of which it is composed rather than the misfits [fitted] to the community.” That certain people are considered “misfits” in our society, he said, does not mean that they wouldn’t be “happy members” if society were different.

Other individuals grappled with the outcome of achieving eugenic perfection. If we could indeed, through the proper breeding of the correct gametes of the right individuals, create nearly god-like people with greater concentration, thinner skulls, fewer teeth, whiter skin, rounder angles, and diminishing fifth toes, what then? What would happen to society after we had managed to—in the words of Scott Nearing—"model the plastic, living clay of humankind into nobler, finer, more spiritual forms"?

Not all observers were sanguine. Humor magazine Life offered this uncharacteristically serious picture in 1914:

The Eugenists dream of a race of Supermen and Superwomen. Let us dream of them, too. Imagine such a race suddenly created in the United States. Thirty millions of Superpeople—each one having the strength of Jack Johnson, the mental efficiency of Edison, the moral greatness of Lincoln. Meanwhile the economic scheme remains unchanged—a small class of Superpeople owns all the land and machinery, while the other Superpeople compete with each other for jobs. What about the Superpeople who don’t get jobs? Supermen in the breadline, Supermen piling into the Bowery Mission to get out of the wind and rain, Superwomen on the streets selling their bodies for bread, Supermen on the street-corners in the Supercold of a winter evening waiting for some Supermillionaire to give them the price of a night’s lodging. It is a pretty scene, and it provokes reflection.

This Life piece captured the fundamental objection to the attempted creation of genetic super-people: that eugenists were seeking answers to social problems inside human bodies instead of through social reforms. Eugenists believed that perfecting the human genetic code would create a healthier, more intelligent, more moral, and more perfect race of man, which would naturally improve the society in which it lived. However, opponents argued that even if we could collectively conceptualize health, intelligence, morality, and perfection and then operationalize these concepts in our genes, our success in this regard would have little bearing on problems that result from the societies we build, not the cells in our bodies. Moreover, encouraging unequal treatment and opportunity on the basis of a hierarchy that we claim is inscribed in human bodies is not a way to produce a more moral and just society. Creating a better world is more complicated than we hope.

During his interview with the New York Times, Haldane turned to passing scientist Dr. F. E. A. Crew of the Institute of Animal Genetics in Edinburgh and asked him, “What is the perfect man?”

Crew replied, “There isn’t any. Define us a heaven and we will tell you what an angel is.”

1. “Americans of the Future to Be the ‘Super Race.’” San Francisco Chronicle, Mar. 31, 1912.
2. “Brain Power Is Stationary.” Los Angeles Times, Jan. 1, 1915.
3. “Calls Thin Woman an Imperfect Type.” New York Times, Jan. 9, 1914.
4. “Case for Eugenics: Results Achieved Through the Use of Artificial Insemination.” New York Times, May 14, 1944.
5. Darwin, Leonard. “Babes of the Future: Major Leonard Darwin Tells True Purposes of Eugenics.” New York Times, Dec. 21, 1912.
6. “Eugenics As Basis of New Aristocracy.” New York Times, Aug. 8, 1915.
7. “Eugenists Dread Tainted Aliens.” New York Times, Sep. 25, 1921.
8. “Eugenics Is Urged to Lengthen Life.” New York Times, May 15, 1937.
9. “Eugenic Women to Be Tall and Dark.” Sacramento Union, Aug. 6, 1915.
10. “Hope of Better Brains for All.” New York Times, Sep. 27, 1912.
11. Hrdlicka, Ales. “Man’s Future in the Light of His Dim Past.” New York Times, Apr. 28, 1929.
12. “Human Race Improvement: Collecting Data for Plan of Practical Eugenics.” Los Angeles Times, May 12, 1912.
13. “Huxley Sees Life Prolonged in Future.” New York Times, Oct. 29, 1926.
14. Inge, Very Rev. William R. “Eugenics Will Aid Physical Beauty and Clothes Will Be More Sensible.” Los Angeles Times, Dec. 4, 1931.
15. Kaempffert, Waldemar. “The Superman: Eugenics Sifted.” New York Times, May 27, 1928.
16.  “Life’s Traits to Aid Eugenics.” Los Angeles Times, Nov. 30, 1914.
17. Laurence, William L. “Huxley Envisages the Eugenic Race.” New York Times, Sep. 6, 1937.
18. Laurence, William L. “Not a ‘Perfect Man’ in Haldane’s Utopia.” New York Times, Aug. 29, 1932.
19. P. H. D., in the Masses. “Eugenics and Economics.” Life, Apr. 2, 1914.
20. “Race of Super-Men.” Los Angeles Times, Feb. 12, 1914.
21. “Says Glands Cause Gloom and Crime.” New York Times, Oct. 2, 1921.
22. “Says Man Will Grow for Ages to Come.” New York Times, Apr. 20, 1929.
23. “Scientists Agree With Dr. Depew That Men Ought to Live to Be 100 By Observing Rules of Health.” Washington Post, Nov. 26, 1916.
24. “Scientists See Eugenics Aid in Doing Away With Crime.” New York Times, Jul. 29, 1923.
25. “Social Problems Have Proven Basis of Heredity.” New York Times, Jan. 12, 1913.
26. “Superman a Being of Nervous Force.” New York Times, Jan. 11, 1914.
27. “Supermen to Be Propagated Artificially, Says Biologist.” Los Angeles Times, Sep. 6, 1937.
28. “The Superrace: A Plea for the Evolution of That Rather Strange Production.” New York Times, Jun. 16, 1912.
29. Sutton, Ransome. “Some Born Great and Others ‘Out of Luck.’” Los Angeles Times, Jun. 25, 1933.
30. “To Breed Fine Race: W. [M]. Hays Would Begin By Classifying All People.” Washington Post, Dec. 30, 1911.
31. “Will Breed Men Like Fine Cattle.” San Francisco Chronicle, Oct. 20, 1912.

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